The representation of the Bosnian war as a campaign of genocide rapidly gained ground after the Guardian showed pictures of two Serbian detention camps, Trnopolje and Omarska.
Izetbegovic admitted it to former UNMIK head Bernard Kouchner on his death bed in 2003. He told Bernard Kouchner that he lied about Trnopolje and Omarska being “death camps” in the hope of provoking NATO bombing against the Bosnian Serbs.
Movieclips: .....
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/BOSNIA_/bosnia.html
This monstrous media hoax was used in order to demonize the Serbs as the “new Nazis”of Europe, to trivialize the horrors of the Holocaust, to turn the world – and especially Jewish people – against the Serbs, and to enable the US camp; NATO/EU Imperialist governments to further dismember Yugoslavia into a series of politically weak NATO/EU-run protectorates.
http://whatreallyhappened.com/R
One of the most stubborn factoids of our time is the myth that the massacre at Srebrenica in 1995 during the Bosnian civil war was solely about the killing of innocent Muslims by vicious racist genocidal Serbs. It is a relic of the coordinated media message put out at the time, which demonized the Serbs as cruel oppressors and ignored any atrocities of equal or greater magnitude by other parties to the conflict.
Phillip Corwin, former UN Civilian Affairs Coordinator in Bosnia during the 1990s, said: “What happened in Srebrenica was not a single large massacre of Muslims by Serbs, but rather a series of very bloody attacks and counterattacks over a three
year period which reached a crescendo in July of 1995.”
http://www.srebrenica-report.com/press.htm
The list of 7,000-8,000 Bosnian Muslims contains the names of the individuals who have been reported missing
— it is not the list of the victims of a crime, those who have allegedly lost their lives during Srebrenica takeover.
There is a world of difference, victims of the war crime are men who have been captured and executed without trial, while the victims of war are individuals who were killed during the battles, like Bosnian Muslim troops from Srebrenica column,
which suffered heavy casualties after being engaged in battle with the Bosnian Serb Army.
1}Internationally respected military forensic specialist Dr Zoran Stankovic, who reviewed the findings of the six experts employed by the Tribunal wrote that the effort lacked standard procedures, several of experts also lacked familiarity
with wounds inflicted by military ordinance and some parts of the reports are “contrary to the generally acceptable forensic standards”. According to Dr Stankovic, many of the bodies exhumed from 17 gravesites were found in an advance state of decay “skeletonized, disarticulated and decomposed” lacking soft tissue and body parts that could help determine the cause of death. “Ascertainment of the cause of death in the cases of decomposed bodies is generally extremely difficult and in most case impossible…It is not allowed that [ICTY] experts provide their opinion in that regard and put forward the assumption having no grounds in autopsy findings.”Between 200 and 300 blindfolds and ligatures were exhumed with bodies by the ICTY, and as Dr. Stankovic notes, these are sure signs of execution………………………………
2}Dr Ljubisa Simic, pathologist and forensic expert who had full access to the Hague Prosecution’s forensic evidence in relation to the alleged “Srebrenica massacre”, found the scientific evidence of the Srebrenica hoax: the total number of victims, the number of the executed victims, the time of death and the causes of death tell a story that is entirely different
from the official myth.
1. The first group consists of 442 bodies on or about which blindfolds and/or ligatures were found, which indicates that those persons were executed.
2. There are 655 bodies which show bullet inflicted injuries and based only upon that finding it is impossible to conclude whether they might have been executed or were killed during combat activity or committed suicide.
3. In relation to a certain number of victims [477] it would be reasonable to conclude that they were not executed because of the presence of shrapnel and other metal fragments which are not bullet related. That pattern of injury is consistent
with combat activity, not with execution, as the cause of death.
4. For 411 bodies it was impossible to determine whether or not death was caused by execution because those bodies were incomplete. In this group we also find bodies which did not exhibit any traces of projectiles of any kind, and for that
reason also the cause of death could not be determined.
5. A significant percentage of the reports, 44,4 %, or a total of 1583, consists of only a few bones. If we take into account that a body consists of more than 200 bones, then it is clear that the reports in this category were useless for drawing conclusions of any kind. That is also suggested by the fact that in 92,4% of the reports in this category, even prosecution forensic experts refrained from making a determination of the cause of death.The first thing Dr. Simic noted is a common misconception, that 3,568 autopsy reports equal 3,568 bodies, which is not the case, even though the Hague Tribunal
insists on treating it so.
Pointing out that 75% and above of the bodily remains can be regarded as one (whole) body, Dr. Simic has found that around half of the total number of the Hague’s Srebrenica post-mortem reports are based on only few bones — in many cases just a single bone or bone fragment — which, simply put, “does not allow for any meaningful forensic conclusions to be drawn”.In order to establish with acceptable precision the number of persons alleged Srebrenica mass graves contained, Dr. Simic counted the right and left femur bones, starting from the hypothesis that the femur is one of the sturdiest skeletal components and that the number of these bones is therefore one of the most reliable indicators of how many individuals were in fact buried. The results of his analysis show the presence of 1919 right and 1923 left femur bones. Based on this analysis, Dr. Simic concluded that the total number of victims in all thirteen Srebrenica mass graves is well under 2,000 — woefully short of the magical number of 8,000, aggressively propagated by the State Department ever since 1995.
Secondly, the forensic evidence wielded by the Hague prosecution is not accompanied by the DNA analysis, so it is entirely impossible to scientifically determine if these are remains of Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, Croats, Turks, Albanians, Arabs or some other ethnic group, or to ascertain the actual identity of the victims, save for the fact the remains belonged to the males.Next, Dr. Simic found that most of remains analyzed by the NATO specialists do not 'allow for forensic conclusions as to the causes of death and therefore cannot be
verified as remains of the victims of the execution, nor can they serve as a proof of a war crime or a massacre in a court of law.He also noted that even though it 'takes 5-10 years for the human corpse to completely decompose, many of the remains taken out of a number of “Srebrenica mass graves” in 1996, for example, less than a year after the alleged Srebrenica “massacre” took place, were in a state of total decomposition, making the alleged time of death (July 1995) a scientific impossibility.The most important thing for now, is that Dr. Simic has provided a scientific evidence showing the whole Srebrenica myth about 7,000-8,000 Muslim “men and boys” murdered in cold blood is a big lie, based on thin air, propaganda and hearsay. This issue is still very much open and it will remain so until the full truth comes to light.Forensic analysis of post-mortem reports :
Forensic analysis of post-mortem reports [DOC - 146.0 KB]
http://www.balkanstudies.org/articles/dna-testing-and-srebrenica-lobby
http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php/site/article/10559/
Philippe Morillon:
The fall of Srebrenica in 1995 was the “direct reaction” to the massacres of Bosnian Serbs by Naser Oric’s forces in 1992-1993. Morillon acknowledged that Oric’s troops had committed war crimes in eastern Bosnia.
Morillon personally witnessed the exhumation of the bodies of Bosnian Serb civilians and soldiers who had been tortured, mutilated, and executed. He saw with his own eyes the Serbian villages that had been burned to the ground in the Srebrenica pocket. More than anyone else, Morillon understood the level of devastation in eastern Bosnia and the extent and nature of the massacres of Bosnian Serbs.
http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/3894
Srebrenica:
1) The “safe areas” in Bosnia Herzegovina were not demilitarized, and thus served as Muslim military bases under UN protection.
2) The Muslim military force stationed in Srebrenica – some 5,000 men under the command of Naser Oric, had carried out murderous raids against nearby Serbian villages.
3) Izetbegovic pulled Naser Oric out of Srebrenica prior to the anticipated Serb offensive, deliberately leaving the enclave undefended.
4) The United States used the inevitable failure of the ambiguous “UN safe area” concept to discredit the United Nations as a peacekeeping force, thus promoting NATO to that role.
5) The number of Muslims killed or missing after the fall of Srebrenica is uncertain, and more effort has been made to inflate the figures than to identify and count the real victims.
6) The initial accusation against the Bosnian Serbs was politically motivated.
7) Insofar as Muslims were actually executed following the fall of Srebrenica, such crimes bear all the signs of spontaneous acts of revenge rather than a project of “genocide”. General Krstic’s defence, on appeal, argued that he could
not be held responsible for crimes that he was unaware were actually occurring. The ICTY argued that for criminal responsibility to be established it was unnecessary to conclude that the defendant knew what was happening: ‘it was sufficient to show that he was aware that those acts outside the agreed enterprise were a natural and foreseeable consequence of the agreed joint criminal enterprise, and that the accused participated in the enterprise aware of the probability that other crimes may result.’ By this rationale, of course, any participation in war is a criminal enterprise, as in all wars it is fairly certain that crimes such as rape, murder and maltreatment of prisoners of war will be committed.
Furthermore, the actual definition of genocide as employed by the Tribunal is not as might be commonly understood: as the intention to destroy such a substantial part of a group as to affect the entirety. In order to establish genocide the ICTY
firstly argued that the Bosnian Serb army had targeted all of the Bosnian Muslim inhabitants of Srebrenica and the surrounding area, some 40,000 people, not just those murdered. This leads to a strange situation whereby those who were not murdered contribute to the verdict of genocide.Therefore, Krstic’s trial revealed serious flaws in the presentation of the fall of Srebrenica as an act of genocide. The ICTY was unable to establish that the commander of the army unit that captured Srebrenica had any intention to, or knowledge of, any murders.
Furthermore, in order for the murders to be classified as genocide, the ICTY embarked upon a complicated definition of genocide that is not dependent on showing either intent to commit genocide, nor upon the numbers of people actually
killed. Thus, under this definition of genocide the murder of some individuals, even soldiers in a combat situation, counts as genocide.
From Kosovo in 1999 to the Congo in 2005, Srebrenica is held up as conclusive proof that the West is morally obliged to intervene militarily in conflict situations: Jack Straw argued in defense of Western intervention in FYR Macedonia in 2001, on the basis that Srebrenica showed what happened when the West was reluctant to intervene. Liberal commentator David Aaronovitch used the same argument to explain his support for military action in Iraq.
When discussing the killing of 60 Congolese soldiers by UN troops, UN General Patrick Cammaert argued in favour of robust military intervention, because of ‘the lessons of Srebrenica, Somalia and Rwanda.
The Joseph Goebbels Nazi style “Big Lie”was spread world-wide with the mainstream media-connected resources of a multi-million dollar funded American “public relations”& lobbying firm called ‘Ruder Finn’ – whom also worked as a lobbying group in Washington on behalf of the Islamist Nazi terrorist KLA and Tudjman’s HDZ Fascist neo-Ustasha Nazi racist government responsible for the ethnic cleansing of over 350,000 Krajina province Serbs from 1990 to 1995 and for the murder of at least 15,000 Serbs during the same period.
http://slobodan-milosevic.org/smorg_krstic042804.htm
http://www.zcommunications.org/the-politics-of-the-srebrenica-massacre-b…
POLITICAL BACKGROUND
Two prominent supporters (at the time) of the late Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic, his Srebrenica SDA party chairman Ibran Mustafic and police commander Hakija Meholjic, have subsequently accused Izetbegovic of deliberately sacrificing the enclave in order to trigger NATO intervention.
Meholjic is explicit: in his presence, Izetbegovic quoted Bill Clinton as saying that 5,000 dead Muslims would be sufficient to provide the political basis for an American-led intervention on the side of the Muslims.In 1993, when the Clinton Administration was strongly backing the Muslim President of Bosnia, Alija Izetbegovic, Osama Bin Ladin was regular visitor to his office, according to Renate Flottau of the German weekly, Der Spiegel. The Bosnian daily, Dani, reported that the Vienna Embassy of BiH issued a passport to Bin Ladin in 1993.
http://moderntokyotimes.com/2011/05/05/bill-clinton-and-osama-bin-laden-ratlines-in-bosnia-clinton-is-a-hypocrite/
At the presentation of the “Bosnian Atlas of War Crimes” held in Banja Luka on 31 March 2010, the director of the Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo – Mirsad Tokaca – discussed the number of victims that were killed during the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide.Those buried at the Srebrenica Memorial Complex not only were not killed in July 1995, but actually died much earlier,, even in the early 1980s
– more than 10 years before the civil war in Yugoslavia even started: Fetahija (Nazif) Hasanovic, b. 1955 – d. Dec.15, 1996, Srebrenica; Sukrija (Amil) Smajlovic, b.1946 – d. May 2,1996, Zaluzje; Maho (Suljo) Rizvanovic, b.1953 – d. Jan. 3,1993, Glogova; Mefail (meho) Demirovic, b.1970 – d. May 10, 1992, Krasanovici; Redzic (Ahmet) Asim, b.1949 – d. April 22, 1992,
of Osman (Ibro) Halilovic (1912-1989), Nurija (Smajo) Memisevic (1966-1993), Salih (Saban) Alic (1969-1992), Mujo (Hasim) Hadzic (1954-1993), Ferid (Ramo) Mustafic (1975-1993) and Hajrudin (Ismet) Cvrk (1974-1992).Hamed (Hamid) Halilovic (1940-1982), transferred from the nearby cemetery in Kazani, who apparently died a full 13 years before the Srebrenica “genocide.”Several hundred soldiers as well as civilians were transferred to the Srebrenica Memorial from other cemeteries and reburied, with Muslim burial rituals.
In the summer of 2005, on the 10-year anniversary of the event, the “Srebrenica Research Group,” composed of mostly American and British media and academic figures, as well as former U.N. civil officials and military observers with ex-Yugoslavia experience, put up a website in which the entire “Srebrenica massacre” account was reconsidered and demystified. Instead of the 7-8,000 figure, U.N. officials and U.S. Congress experts were quoted giving figures of “700-800,”
“the low hundreds,” “about 2,000 Muslims and Serbs total,” etc.
Based upon:
http://www.phillyimc.org/en/more-myth-massacre-srebrenica
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/BOSNIA_PHOTO/bosnia.html
Document:
This document shows the population in the County of Srebrenica in 1994. It states that the local populaion is = 9791
population dislocated from their homes, but remains within the county = 756
Refugees from other counties = 16 708
The most interresting part in this document is the followin stating in the end (NAPOMENA) :::
Says this: attention these figures are not to be shared with any international organisations. For that purpose we use the number of 45 000
Movieclips: .....
TWO FORMER SENIOR UN officials, and a group of journalists and academic researchers, on July 12, 2005, cast serious doubt on what they said were “highly inflated casualty figures and a misleading portrayal of events by governments, non-governmental organizations and major news organizations” with regard to the 1995 capture of Srebrenica, in Bosnia, by
Izetbegovic admitted it to former UNMIK head Bernard Kouchner on his death bed in 2003. He told Bernard Kouchner that he lied about Trnopolje and Omarska being “death camps” in the hope of provoking NATO bombing against the Bosnian Serbs.
Movieclips: .....
- The Srebrenica Files....
- Srebrenica, a town betrayed documentary by Ola Flyum
- Propaganda Project Srebrenica!
- Yugoslavia the avoidable war! Part 1 of 10
- America started the war in Bosnia...(!)
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/BOSNIA_/bosnia.html
This monstrous media hoax was used in order to demonize the Serbs as the “new Nazis”of Europe, to trivialize the horrors of the Holocaust, to turn the world – and especially Jewish people – against the Serbs, and to enable the US camp; NATO/EU Imperialist governments to further dismember Yugoslavia into a series of politically weak NATO/EU-run protectorates.
http://whatreallyhappened.com/R
One of the most stubborn factoids of our time is the myth that the massacre at Srebrenica in 1995 during the Bosnian civil war was solely about the killing of innocent Muslims by vicious racist genocidal Serbs. It is a relic of the coordinated media message put out at the time, which demonized the Serbs as cruel oppressors and ignored any atrocities of equal or greater magnitude by other parties to the conflict.
Phillip Corwin, former UN Civilian Affairs Coordinator in Bosnia during the 1990s, said: “What happened in Srebrenica was not a single large massacre of Muslims by Serbs, but rather a series of very bloody attacks and counterattacks over a three
year period which reached a crescendo in July of 1995.”
http://www.srebrenica-report.com/press.htm
The list of 7,000-8,000 Bosnian Muslims contains the names of the individuals who have been reported missing
— it is not the list of the victims of a crime, those who have allegedly lost their lives during Srebrenica takeover.
There is a world of difference, victims of the war crime are men who have been captured and executed without trial, while the victims of war are individuals who were killed during the battles, like Bosnian Muslim troops from Srebrenica column,
which suffered heavy casualties after being engaged in battle with the Bosnian Serb Army.
1}Internationally respected military forensic specialist Dr Zoran Stankovic, who reviewed the findings of the six experts employed by the Tribunal wrote that the effort lacked standard procedures, several of experts also lacked familiarity
with wounds inflicted by military ordinance and some parts of the reports are “contrary to the generally acceptable forensic standards”. According to Dr Stankovic, many of the bodies exhumed from 17 gravesites were found in an advance state of decay “skeletonized, disarticulated and decomposed” lacking soft tissue and body parts that could help determine the cause of death. “Ascertainment of the cause of death in the cases of decomposed bodies is generally extremely difficult and in most case impossible…It is not allowed that [ICTY] experts provide their opinion in that regard and put forward the assumption having no grounds in autopsy findings.”Between 200 and 300 blindfolds and ligatures were exhumed with bodies by the ICTY, and as Dr. Stankovic notes, these are sure signs of execution………………………………
2}Dr Ljubisa Simic, pathologist and forensic expert who had full access to the Hague Prosecution’s forensic evidence in relation to the alleged “Srebrenica massacre”, found the scientific evidence of the Srebrenica hoax: the total number of victims, the number of the executed victims, the time of death and the causes of death tell a story that is entirely different
from the official myth.
1. The first group consists of 442 bodies on or about which blindfolds and/or ligatures were found, which indicates that those persons were executed.
2. There are 655 bodies which show bullet inflicted injuries and based only upon that finding it is impossible to conclude whether they might have been executed or were killed during combat activity or committed suicide.
3. In relation to a certain number of victims [477] it would be reasonable to conclude that they were not executed because of the presence of shrapnel and other metal fragments which are not bullet related. That pattern of injury is consistent
with combat activity, not with execution, as the cause of death.
4. For 411 bodies it was impossible to determine whether or not death was caused by execution because those bodies were incomplete. In this group we also find bodies which did not exhibit any traces of projectiles of any kind, and for that
reason also the cause of death could not be determined.
5. A significant percentage of the reports, 44,4 %, or a total of 1583, consists of only a few bones. If we take into account that a body consists of more than 200 bones, then it is clear that the reports in this category were useless for drawing conclusions of any kind. That is also suggested by the fact that in 92,4% of the reports in this category, even prosecution forensic experts refrained from making a determination of the cause of death.The first thing Dr. Simic noted is a common misconception, that 3,568 autopsy reports equal 3,568 bodies, which is not the case, even though the Hague Tribunal
insists on treating it so.
Pointing out that 75% and above of the bodily remains can be regarded as one (whole) body, Dr. Simic has found that around half of the total number of the Hague’s Srebrenica post-mortem reports are based on only few bones — in many cases just a single bone or bone fragment — which, simply put, “does not allow for any meaningful forensic conclusions to be drawn”.In order to establish with acceptable precision the number of persons alleged Srebrenica mass graves contained, Dr. Simic counted the right and left femur bones, starting from the hypothesis that the femur is one of the sturdiest skeletal components and that the number of these bones is therefore one of the most reliable indicators of how many individuals were in fact buried. The results of his analysis show the presence of 1919 right and 1923 left femur bones. Based on this analysis, Dr. Simic concluded that the total number of victims in all thirteen Srebrenica mass graves is well under 2,000 — woefully short of the magical number of 8,000, aggressively propagated by the State Department ever since 1995.
Secondly, the forensic evidence wielded by the Hague prosecution is not accompanied by the DNA analysis, so it is entirely impossible to scientifically determine if these are remains of Bosnian Muslims, Serbs, Croats, Turks, Albanians, Arabs or some other ethnic group, or to ascertain the actual identity of the victims, save for the fact the remains belonged to the males.Next, Dr. Simic found that most of remains analyzed by the NATO specialists do not 'allow for forensic conclusions as to the causes of death and therefore cannot be
verified as remains of the victims of the execution, nor can they serve as a proof of a war crime or a massacre in a court of law.He also noted that even though it 'takes 5-10 years for the human corpse to completely decompose, many of the remains taken out of a number of “Srebrenica mass graves” in 1996, for example, less than a year after the alleged Srebrenica “massacre” took place, were in a state of total decomposition, making the alleged time of death (July 1995) a scientific impossibility.The most important thing for now, is that Dr. Simic has provided a scientific evidence showing the whole Srebrenica myth about 7,000-8,000 Muslim “men and boys” murdered in cold blood is a big lie, based on thin air, propaganda and hearsay. This issue is still very much open and it will remain so until the full truth comes to light.Forensic analysis of post-mortem reports :
Forensic analysis of post-mortem reports [DOC - 146.0 KB]
http://www.balkanstudies.org/articles/dna-testing-and-srebrenica-lobby
http://www.spiked-online.com/index.php/site/article/10559/
Philippe Morillon:
The fall of Srebrenica in 1995 was the “direct reaction” to the massacres of Bosnian Serbs by Naser Oric’s forces in 1992-1993. Morillon acknowledged that Oric’s troops had committed war crimes in eastern Bosnia.
Morillon personally witnessed the exhumation of the bodies of Bosnian Serb civilians and soldiers who had been tortured, mutilated, and executed. He saw with his own eyes the Serbian villages that had been burned to the ground in the Srebrenica pocket. More than anyone else, Morillon understood the level of devastation in eastern Bosnia and the extent and nature of the massacres of Bosnian Serbs.
http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/3894
Srebrenica:
1) The “safe areas” in Bosnia Herzegovina were not demilitarized, and thus served as Muslim military bases under UN protection.
2) The Muslim military force stationed in Srebrenica – some 5,000 men under the command of Naser Oric, had carried out murderous raids against nearby Serbian villages.
3) Izetbegovic pulled Naser Oric out of Srebrenica prior to the anticipated Serb offensive, deliberately leaving the enclave undefended.
4) The United States used the inevitable failure of the ambiguous “UN safe area” concept to discredit the United Nations as a peacekeeping force, thus promoting NATO to that role.
5) The number of Muslims killed or missing after the fall of Srebrenica is uncertain, and more effort has been made to inflate the figures than to identify and count the real victims.
6) The initial accusation against the Bosnian Serbs was politically motivated.
7) Insofar as Muslims were actually executed following the fall of Srebrenica, such crimes bear all the signs of spontaneous acts of revenge rather than a project of “genocide”. General Krstic’s defence, on appeal, argued that he could
not be held responsible for crimes that he was unaware were actually occurring. The ICTY argued that for criminal responsibility to be established it was unnecessary to conclude that the defendant knew what was happening: ‘it was sufficient to show that he was aware that those acts outside the agreed enterprise were a natural and foreseeable consequence of the agreed joint criminal enterprise, and that the accused participated in the enterprise aware of the probability that other crimes may result.’ By this rationale, of course, any participation in war is a criminal enterprise, as in all wars it is fairly certain that crimes such as rape, murder and maltreatment of prisoners of war will be committed.
Furthermore, the actual definition of genocide as employed by the Tribunal is not as might be commonly understood: as the intention to destroy such a substantial part of a group as to affect the entirety. In order to establish genocide the ICTY
firstly argued that the Bosnian Serb army had targeted all of the Bosnian Muslim inhabitants of Srebrenica and the surrounding area, some 40,000 people, not just those murdered. This leads to a strange situation whereby those who were not murdered contribute to the verdict of genocide.Therefore, Krstic’s trial revealed serious flaws in the presentation of the fall of Srebrenica as an act of genocide. The ICTY was unable to establish that the commander of the army unit that captured Srebrenica had any intention to, or knowledge of, any murders.
Furthermore, in order for the murders to be classified as genocide, the ICTY embarked upon a complicated definition of genocide that is not dependent on showing either intent to commit genocide, nor upon the numbers of people actually
killed. Thus, under this definition of genocide the murder of some individuals, even soldiers in a combat situation, counts as genocide.
From Kosovo in 1999 to the Congo in 2005, Srebrenica is held up as conclusive proof that the West is morally obliged to intervene militarily in conflict situations: Jack Straw argued in defense of Western intervention in FYR Macedonia in 2001, on the basis that Srebrenica showed what happened when the West was reluctant to intervene. Liberal commentator David Aaronovitch used the same argument to explain his support for military action in Iraq.
When discussing the killing of 60 Congolese soldiers by UN troops, UN General Patrick Cammaert argued in favour of robust military intervention, because of ‘the lessons of Srebrenica, Somalia and Rwanda.
The Joseph Goebbels Nazi style “Big Lie”was spread world-wide with the mainstream media-connected resources of a multi-million dollar funded American “public relations”& lobbying firm called ‘Ruder Finn’ – whom also worked as a lobbying group in Washington on behalf of the Islamist Nazi terrorist KLA and Tudjman’s HDZ Fascist neo-Ustasha Nazi racist government responsible for the ethnic cleansing of over 350,000 Krajina province Serbs from 1990 to 1995 and for the murder of at least 15,000 Serbs during the same period.
http://slobodan-milosevic.org/smorg_krstic042804.htm
http://www.zcommunications.org/the-politics-of-the-srebrenica-massacre-b…
POLITICAL BACKGROUND
Two prominent supporters (at the time) of the late Muslim leader Alija Izetbegovic, his Srebrenica SDA party chairman Ibran Mustafic and police commander Hakija Meholjic, have subsequently accused Izetbegovic of deliberately sacrificing the enclave in order to trigger NATO intervention.
Meholjic is explicit: in his presence, Izetbegovic quoted Bill Clinton as saying that 5,000 dead Muslims would be sufficient to provide the political basis for an American-led intervention on the side of the Muslims.In 1993, when the Clinton Administration was strongly backing the Muslim President of Bosnia, Alija Izetbegovic, Osama Bin Ladin was regular visitor to his office, according to Renate Flottau of the German weekly, Der Spiegel. The Bosnian daily, Dani, reported that the Vienna Embassy of BiH issued a passport to Bin Ladin in 1993.
http://moderntokyotimes.com/2011/05/05/bill-clinton-and-osama-bin-laden-ratlines-in-bosnia-clinton-is-a-hypocrite/
At the presentation of the “Bosnian Atlas of War Crimes” held in Banja Luka on 31 March 2010, the director of the Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo – Mirsad Tokaca – discussed the number of victims that were killed during the 1995 Srebrenica Genocide.Those buried at the Srebrenica Memorial Complex not only were not killed in July 1995, but actually died much earlier,, even in the early 1980s
– more than 10 years before the civil war in Yugoslavia even started: Fetahija (Nazif) Hasanovic, b. 1955 – d. Dec.15, 1996, Srebrenica; Sukrija (Amil) Smajlovic, b.1946 – d. May 2,1996, Zaluzje; Maho (Suljo) Rizvanovic, b.1953 – d. Jan. 3,1993, Glogova; Mefail (meho) Demirovic, b.1970 – d. May 10, 1992, Krasanovici; Redzic (Ahmet) Asim, b.1949 – d. April 22, 1992,
of Osman (Ibro) Halilovic (1912-1989), Nurija (Smajo) Memisevic (1966-1993), Salih (Saban) Alic (1969-1992), Mujo (Hasim) Hadzic (1954-1993), Ferid (Ramo) Mustafic (1975-1993) and Hajrudin (Ismet) Cvrk (1974-1992).Hamed (Hamid) Halilovic (1940-1982), transferred from the nearby cemetery in Kazani, who apparently died a full 13 years before the Srebrenica “genocide.”Several hundred soldiers as well as civilians were transferred to the Srebrenica Memorial from other cemeteries and reburied, with Muslim burial rituals.
In the summer of 2005, on the 10-year anniversary of the event, the “Srebrenica Research Group,” composed of mostly American and British media and academic figures, as well as former U.N. civil officials and military observers with ex-Yugoslavia experience, put up a website in which the entire “Srebrenica massacre” account was reconsidered and demystified. Instead of the 7-8,000 figure, U.N. officials and U.S. Congress experts were quoted giving figures of “700-800,”
“the low hundreds,” “about 2,000 Muslims and Serbs total,” etc.
Based upon:
http://www.phillyimc.org/en/more-myth-massacre-srebrenica
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/LIE/BOSNIA_PHOTO/bosnia.html
Document:
This document shows the population in the County of Srebrenica in 1994. It states that the local populaion is = 9791
population dislocated from their homes, but remains within the county = 756
Refugees from other counties = 16 708
The most interresting part in this document is the followin stating in the end (NAPOMENA) :::
Says this: attention these figures are not to be shared with any international organisations. For that purpose we use the number of 45 000
Movieclips: .....
- The Srebrenica Files....
- Srebrenica, a town betrayed documentary by Ola Flyum
- Propaganda Project Srebrenica!
- America started the war in Bosnia...(!)
- Yugoslavia the avoidable war! Part 1 of 10
- Read more.............
- Bosnia: How the war started
- Republican Riot » Appealing to Zombies: My Brief Odyssey with the St. Louis Post-Dispatch
- Serbian victims in Srebrenica area from 1992 – 1995 (1-6)
- Srebrenica-srpska-mreza.com
- Srebrenica historical project
- Institute for Research on Suffering of the Serbs in XX c. - Srebrenica Dossier
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TWO FORMER SENIOR UN officials, and a group of journalists and academic researchers, on July 12, 2005, cast serious doubt on what they said were “highly inflated casualty figures and a misleading portrayal of events by governments, non-governmental organizations and major news organizations” with regard to the 1995 capture of Srebrenica, in Bosnia, by
TWO FORMER SENIOR UN officials, and a group of journalists and academic researchers, on July 12, 2005, cast serious doubt on what they said were “highly inflated casualty figures and a misleading portrayal of events by governments, non-governmental organizations and major news organizations” with regard to the 1995 capture of Srebrenica, in Bosnia, by Bosnian Serb forces.
The Srebrenica Research Group, joined by former UN officials Philip Corwin and Carlos Martins Branco, released conclusions from their 200-page report “Srebrenica and the Politics of War Crimes” which said that US policy undermined UN and European brokered peace settlements, which could have ended the war in 1992 or 1993, in order to pursue a military solution which inevitably endangered safe zones. By facilitating shipments of illegal weapons to Muslim forces, the US helped turn safe zones into staging areas for conflict and tripwires for NATO intervention. The group, which will soon release the full report, announced the following conclusions:
TWO FORMER SENIOR UN officials, and a group of journalists and academic researchers, on July 12, 2005, cast serious doubt on what they said were “highly inflated casualty figures and a misleading portrayal of events by governments, non-governmental organizations and major news organizations” with regard to the 1995 capture of Srebrenica, in Bosnia, by Bosnian Serb forces.
The Srebrenica Research Group, joined by former UN officials Philip Corwin and Carlos Martins Branco, released conclusions from their 200-page report “Srebrenica and the Politics of War Crimes” which said that US policy undermined UN and European brokered peace settlements, which could have ended the war in 1992 or 1993, in order to pursue a military solution which inevitably endangered safe zones. By facilitating shipments of illegal weapons to Muslim forces, the US helped turn safe zones into staging areas for conflict and tripwires for NATO intervention. The group, which will soon release the full report, announced the following conclusions:
The premise that Serbian forces executed 7,000 to 8,000 people “was never a possibility,” according to former BBC journalist Jonathan Rooper, who investigated on site and through official records over many years the events which followed the capture of Srebrenica, and whose findings are presented in the upcoming report of the Srebrenica Research Group. He noted that by the first week of August 1995, 35,632 people had registered with the World Health Organization and Bosnian Government as displaced persons, survivors of Srebrenica, a figure which was later referred to [in] an Amnesty International report and the report of the Dutch Government.
Rooper noted that the International Committee of the Red Cross and The New York Times reported that about 3,000 Muslim soldiers who fought their way across Serb held territory to Muslim lines near Tuzla, were also survivors. The ICRC confirmed that these soldiers were redeployed by the Bosnian Army “without their families being informed.” The figure of 3,000 soldiers who survived was also confirmed by Muslim Gen. Enver Hadzihasanovic, who testified at The Hague. These figures made it clear that at least 38,000 Srebrenica residents survived out of a population of 40,000 before the capture of the enclave. Around 2,000 Muslims who fled with the 28th Division were killed, most by fighting, but also hundreds executed by paramilitary units and a mercenary group.
US policy in Bosnia endangered safe zones by opposing UN requests to provide enough personnel to demilitarize these endaves and by facilitating illegal arms shipments to Muslim forces through C-130 Hercules night time deliveries to the Tuzla airport. The US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) led this operation which also welcomed mujahedin fighters allied with al-Qaida, according to Prof. Cees Wiebes, who wrote the intelligence section of the Dutch Government report on Srebrenica.
Despite signing the demilitarization agreement, Bosnian Muslim forces in Srebrenica were well armed and under orders to engage in provocations (“sabotage operations”) against Serbian forces. Muslim Gen. Sefer Halilovic confirmed in his testimony at the Hague Tribunal that there were at least 5,500 members of the Muslim 28th Div. in Srebrenica and that he had arranged at least eight helicopter loads of sophisticated weapons. He also testified that “In those days [immediately before the capture of Srebrenica], there were a large number of orders for sabotage operations from the safe areas.” This included a militarily meaningless attack on a strategically unimportant nearby Serb village of Visnica.
The final operation was an attack on Serbian VRS units on the road south of Srebrenica, just days before the Serbs captured the nearly undefended town.
Instead of defending the town with a force of 5,500 well armed soldiers, the Bosnian Army 28th Div. was ordered to evacuate Srehrenica two days before a small force of 200 Bosnian Serb forces (according to Muslim Gen. Halilovic and The Times, London) entered the nearly empty town on July11, 1995. By provoking the Serbs to enter Srebrenica unopposed, Bosnian Pres. Alija Izetbegovic hoped to trigger NATO intervention. British military analyst Tim Ripley writes that prior to its capture, Dutch troops “saw Bosnian troops escaping from Srebrenica move past their observation points, carrying brand new anti-tank weapons. This, and other similar reports made many UN officers and international journalists suspicious.”
Former UN Deputy Director of UN Monitors, Carlos Martins Branco, said: “Muslim forces did not even try to take advantage of their heavy artillary, under control of the United Nations (UN) forces at a time in which they had every reason to do so. Military resistance would jeopardize the image of ‘victim,’ which had been so carefully constructed, and which the Muslims considered vital to maintain.”
The International Criminal Tribunal onYugoslavia (ICTY), whose staff had been largely appointed by Madeleine Albright, then US Ambassador to the United Nations, acknowledged political considerations when it issued indictments for genocide against Bosnian Serb leaders on July 27, 1995, only three days after its chief investigator Hubert Wieland told The Daily Telegraph (London) that in five days of interviews with scores among the 20,000 refugees gathered at the Tuzla airport: “We have not found anyone who saw with their own eyes an atrocity taking place.” Richard Holbrooke candidly told the BBC: “I realized that the War Crimes Tribunal was a very valuable tool. We used it to keep the two most wanted war criminals in Europe out of the Dayton process and we used it to justiy everything that followed.” What followed were trial proceedings in which witnesses received leniency if they agreed to provide testimony sought by The Hague prosecution to justify indictments made for political rea
“The singular focus on Srebrenica by US officials in particular, serves to divert attention from the fact that both before, and after its capture, the US provided logistical support for large Croatian military attacks on ethnic Serbian civilians living in UN Protected Zones in Western Slavonia and the Krajina regions,” said Prof. Ed Herman of the University of Pennsylvania, who has analyzed media coverage of wartime events as co-editor with Phil Hammond of Degraded Capability: the Media and the Kosovo Crisis and as co-author with Noam Chomsky of Manufacturing Consent.
The report of the Srebrenica Research Group quotes former NATO Deputy Commander Gen. Charles Boyd, who said that the Croatian attack on the Serbian enclave of Western Slavonia “appears to differ from Serbian actions around the UN safe areas of Srebrenica and Zepa only in the degree of Western hand-wringing and CNN footage the latter have elicited. Ethnic cleansing evokes condemnation only when it is committed by Serbs, not against them.”
Former UN Civilian Affairs Coordinator Philip Corwin, the senior UN civilian official in Bosnia at the time of the capture of Srebrenica, read a statement at the July 12, 2005, briefing, noting the killing of non-combatants in the region “is a terrible crime and that perpetrators must be condemned” of such crimes regardless of the size of the crime and whether it is done by Serbs, Croats, or Muslims. Corwin, who authored a book, Dubious Mandate, about his experience in Bosnia, and wrote a foreword to the report of the Srebrenica Research Group, added: “What happened in Srebrenica was not a single large massacre of Muslims by Serbs, but rather a series of very bloody attacks and counterattacks over a three-year period. Which reached a crescendo in July 1995. Moreover it is likely that the number of Muslim dead was probably no more than the number of Serbs who had been killed in Srebrenica and its environs in the three preceding years by Naser Oric and his predatory gangs. But my point
“Because human rights are, by definition, universal, inflating the abuses by one side and minimizing such abuses by other factions in a brutal war serves neither truth nor reconciliation,” said filmmaker George Bogdanich, a member of the Srebrenica Research Group.
Over a three-year period, the Srebrenica Research Group did extensive research to prepare its report, interviewing forensic experts, UN officials, military intelligence analysts, experts in international law, and reviewed all major official reports on Srebrenica, including those by the UN, ICTY, Dutch Government, Human Rights Watch, and writings by all major participants in the Bosnian war.
In addition to University of Pennsylvania Professor Ed Herman, the group included former BBC journalist Jonathan Rooper, columnist George Szamuely, writer and filmmaker George Bogdanich, Dr Philip Hammond, Dr Milan Bulajic, Director of the Fund for Genocide Research, and researchers David Peterson and Tim Fenton.
Defense & Foreign Affairs is published by the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Alexandria VA. Their website is www.StrategicStudies.org.
Website of the Srebrenica Research Group is www.srebrenica-report.com
The Srebrenica Research Group, joined by former UN officials Philip Corwin and Carlos Martins Branco, released conclusions from their 200-page report “Srebrenica and the Politics of War Crimes” which said that US policy undermined UN and European brokered peace settlements, which could have ended the war in 1992 or 1993, in order to pursue a military solution which inevitably endangered safe zones. By facilitating shipments of illegal weapons to Muslim forces, the US helped turn safe zones into staging areas for conflict and tripwires for NATO intervention. The group, which will soon release the full report, announced the following conclusions:
TWO FORMER SENIOR UN officials, and a group of journalists and academic researchers, on July 12, 2005, cast serious doubt on what they said were “highly inflated casualty figures and a misleading portrayal of events by governments, non-governmental organizations and major news organizations” with regard to the 1995 capture of Srebrenica, in Bosnia, by Bosnian Serb forces.
The Srebrenica Research Group, joined by former UN officials Philip Corwin and Carlos Martins Branco, released conclusions from their 200-page report “Srebrenica and the Politics of War Crimes” which said that US policy undermined UN and European brokered peace settlements, which could have ended the war in 1992 or 1993, in order to pursue a military solution which inevitably endangered safe zones. By facilitating shipments of illegal weapons to Muslim forces, the US helped turn safe zones into staging areas for conflict and tripwires for NATO intervention. The group, which will soon release the full report, announced the following conclusions:
The premise that Serbian forces executed 7,000 to 8,000 people “was never a possibility,” according to former BBC journalist Jonathan Rooper, who investigated on site and through official records over many years the events which followed the capture of Srebrenica, and whose findings are presented in the upcoming report of the Srebrenica Research Group. He noted that by the first week of August 1995, 35,632 people had registered with the World Health Organization and Bosnian Government as displaced persons, survivors of Srebrenica, a figure which was later referred to [in] an Amnesty International report and the report of the Dutch Government.
Rooper noted that the International Committee of the Red Cross and The New York Times reported that about 3,000 Muslim soldiers who fought their way across Serb held territory to Muslim lines near Tuzla, were also survivors. The ICRC confirmed that these soldiers were redeployed by the Bosnian Army “without their families being informed.” The figure of 3,000 soldiers who survived was also confirmed by Muslim Gen. Enver Hadzihasanovic, who testified at The Hague. These figures made it clear that at least 38,000 Srebrenica residents survived out of a population of 40,000 before the capture of the enclave. Around 2,000 Muslims who fled with the 28th Division were killed, most by fighting, but also hundreds executed by paramilitary units and a mercenary group.
US policy in Bosnia endangered safe zones by opposing UN requests to provide enough personnel to demilitarize these endaves and by facilitating illegal arms shipments to Muslim forces through C-130 Hercules night time deliveries to the Tuzla airport. The US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) led this operation which also welcomed mujahedin fighters allied with al-Qaida, according to Prof. Cees Wiebes, who wrote the intelligence section of the Dutch Government report on Srebrenica.
Despite signing the demilitarization agreement, Bosnian Muslim forces in Srebrenica were well armed and under orders to engage in provocations (“sabotage operations”) against Serbian forces. Muslim Gen. Sefer Halilovic confirmed in his testimony at the Hague Tribunal that there were at least 5,500 members of the Muslim 28th Div. in Srebrenica and that he had arranged at least eight helicopter loads of sophisticated weapons. He also testified that “In those days [immediately before the capture of Srebrenica], there were a large number of orders for sabotage operations from the safe areas.” This included a militarily meaningless attack on a strategically unimportant nearby Serb village of Visnica.
The final operation was an attack on Serbian VRS units on the road south of Srebrenica, just days before the Serbs captured the nearly undefended town.
Instead of defending the town with a force of 5,500 well armed soldiers, the Bosnian Army 28th Div. was ordered to evacuate Srehrenica two days before a small force of 200 Bosnian Serb forces (according to Muslim Gen. Halilovic and The Times, London) entered the nearly empty town on July11, 1995. By provoking the Serbs to enter Srebrenica unopposed, Bosnian Pres. Alija Izetbegovic hoped to trigger NATO intervention. British military analyst Tim Ripley writes that prior to its capture, Dutch troops “saw Bosnian troops escaping from Srebrenica move past their observation points, carrying brand new anti-tank weapons. This, and other similar reports made many UN officers and international journalists suspicious.”
Former UN Deputy Director of UN Monitors, Carlos Martins Branco, said: “Muslim forces did not even try to take advantage of their heavy artillary, under control of the United Nations (UN) forces at a time in which they had every reason to do so. Military resistance would jeopardize the image of ‘victim,’ which had been so carefully constructed, and which the Muslims considered vital to maintain.”
The International Criminal Tribunal onYugoslavia (ICTY), whose staff had been largely appointed by Madeleine Albright, then US Ambassador to the United Nations, acknowledged political considerations when it issued indictments for genocide against Bosnian Serb leaders on July 27, 1995, only three days after its chief investigator Hubert Wieland told The Daily Telegraph (London) that in five days of interviews with scores among the 20,000 refugees gathered at the Tuzla airport: “We have not found anyone who saw with their own eyes an atrocity taking place.” Richard Holbrooke candidly told the BBC: “I realized that the War Crimes Tribunal was a very valuable tool. We used it to keep the two most wanted war criminals in Europe out of the Dayton process and we used it to justiy everything that followed.” What followed were trial proceedings in which witnesses received leniency if they agreed to provide testimony sought by The Hague prosecution to justify indictments made for political rea
“The singular focus on Srebrenica by US officials in particular, serves to divert attention from the fact that both before, and after its capture, the US provided logistical support for large Croatian military attacks on ethnic Serbian civilians living in UN Protected Zones in Western Slavonia and the Krajina regions,” said Prof. Ed Herman of the University of Pennsylvania, who has analyzed media coverage of wartime events as co-editor with Phil Hammond of Degraded Capability: the Media and the Kosovo Crisis and as co-author with Noam Chomsky of Manufacturing Consent.
The report of the Srebrenica Research Group quotes former NATO Deputy Commander Gen. Charles Boyd, who said that the Croatian attack on the Serbian enclave of Western Slavonia “appears to differ from Serbian actions around the UN safe areas of Srebrenica and Zepa only in the degree of Western hand-wringing and CNN footage the latter have elicited. Ethnic cleansing evokes condemnation only when it is committed by Serbs, not against them.”
Former UN Civilian Affairs Coordinator Philip Corwin, the senior UN civilian official in Bosnia at the time of the capture of Srebrenica, read a statement at the July 12, 2005, briefing, noting the killing of non-combatants in the region “is a terrible crime and that perpetrators must be condemned” of such crimes regardless of the size of the crime and whether it is done by Serbs, Croats, or Muslims. Corwin, who authored a book, Dubious Mandate, about his experience in Bosnia, and wrote a foreword to the report of the Srebrenica Research Group, added: “What happened in Srebrenica was not a single large massacre of Muslims by Serbs, but rather a series of very bloody attacks and counterattacks over a three-year period. Which reached a crescendo in July 1995. Moreover it is likely that the number of Muslim dead was probably no more than the number of Serbs who had been killed in Srebrenica and its environs in the three preceding years by Naser Oric and his predatory gangs. But my point
“Because human rights are, by definition, universal, inflating the abuses by one side and minimizing such abuses by other factions in a brutal war serves neither truth nor reconciliation,” said filmmaker George Bogdanich, a member of the Srebrenica Research Group.
Over a three-year period, the Srebrenica Research Group did extensive research to prepare its report, interviewing forensic experts, UN officials, military intelligence analysts, experts in international law, and reviewed all major official reports on Srebrenica, including those by the UN, ICTY, Dutch Government, Human Rights Watch, and writings by all major participants in the Bosnian war.
In addition to University of Pennsylvania Professor Ed Herman, the group included former BBC journalist Jonathan Rooper, columnist George Szamuely, writer and filmmaker George Bogdanich, Dr Philip Hammond, Dr Milan Bulajic, Director of the Fund for Genocide Research, and researchers David Peterson and Tim Fenton.
Defense & Foreign Affairs is published by the International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Alexandria VA. Their website is www.StrategicStudies.org.
Website of the Srebrenica Research Group is www.srebrenica-report.com